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Legrasse, Bienville St. Nunca se misturando muito com sua gente, ele se afastou gradualmente da sociedade, e agora se relacionava apenas com um pequeno grupo de estetas de outras cidades.

Mesmo o Clube de Arte de Providence, ansioso em preservar o seu conservadorismo, o considerava um caso perdido. A mente febril do jovem aparentemente insistia em coisas estranhas, e o medico chegava a tremer ao falar delas. Quando o Professor Angell se convenceu de que o escultor ignorava de fato qualquer culto ou sistema de sabedoria secreto, ele assediou o visitante com pedidos de futuros relatos de seus sonhos.

Uma grande quantidade de recortes estranhos, todos diziam; e hoje eu mal posso encarar o racionalismo com que os coloquei de lado.

Com ele estava o motivo de sua visita: uma grotesca, repulsiva e aparentemente muito antiga estatueta de pedra, cuja origem ele era incapaz de determinar. O aspecto de tudo era anormalmente realista, e mais sutilmente assustador porque a sua origem era desconhecida. Essa pessoa era o agora falecido William Channing Webb, professor de antropologia na Universidade de Princeton, e um renomado explorador.

Quatro deles cambalearam, um desmaiou e dois foram abalados a ponto de gritarem freneticamente, mas a cacofonia louca da orgia abafou os barulhos. Esse homem, Joseph D.

Galvez, eu encontrei depois e questionei, e ele se provou espantosamente imaginativo. Cinco adoradores estavam mortos, e dois gravemente feridos foram carregados em macas improvisadas pelos seus companheiros prisioneiros. Mas, antes mesmo de serem questionados, ficou claro que alguma coisa muito mais profunda e arcaica do que aquele fetichismo negro estava envolvido.

Aqueles Antigos se foram agora, para dentro da terra e debaixo do mar, mas os seus corpos mortos contaram os seus segredos em sonhos aos primeiros homens, que formaram um culto que nunca morreu.

Depois disso, nada mais precisava ser dito. The natural man is good, and he respects and rewards superior intelligence as long as his humility is not turned against him.

Nationalism had taken hold in Latin America but without the romanticist implication of rootedness in the people. Until the early twentieth century, pensadores, essayists and historians seemed agreed that cultural questions were a province of diagnosis and prescription reserved for intellectuals. The idea that people at large were the bedrock of national identity was incongruous in default of sustained, pluricentric, multiideological popular movements such as had shaped political awareness " Domingo F.

Criscenti ed. Sarmiento, Author of a Nation Berkeley, Foner ed. New York, , pp. Thinkers, theologians, ideologues and politicians might supply doctrine and tactics for these diversely composed movements, but their roots were in widespread feelings and aspiration.

Save for its African population, the United States was settled by emigres from the two 'revolutions', thus internalizing them.

Latin America, however, resisted them. The mother countries barred Protestantism at the gates, along with its messages concerning modern individualism. Europe's later proletarian 'revolution', which took forms from government paternalism through a gamut of socialisms all the way to anarchism, syndicalism and terrorism, made only tentative incursions because of the limited scope of industrialization in Latin America, the lasting efficacy of elite 'conciliations', and a permanent reserve army of workers.

However much the pensadores may have kept abreast of progressive thought in Europe, the people whom they claimed to 'think for' were blocked from forming coherent movements that might have given inspiration, definition and support to the critiques made by the intelligentsia. The identity question therefore consists not entirely of a consensual act of portraiture by sensitive observers but also of a popular voice, featuring the disinherited, that pursues outlet in the generalized discourse of society.

For two reasons the identity search came later in Latin America than in Western Europe and the modernizing world, achieving full momentum only in the twentieth century.

First, it was only by the s and s that there occurred a conflation of intellectual and popular outlooks as exemplified in letters and visual arts in Mexico, modernist manifestoes in Brazil, socio-political dialogues in Peru, ethno-literary pronouncements in Haiti and diverse manifestations elsewhere. Secondly, with regard specifically to the pensadores, we have argued that their assurances of prior European identity were in the last century too problematic, and their confidence for sustaining critical exchange with ideologies of the industrial West too insecure, to favour a coming-to-terms with world currents.

They acquiesced in regnant prescriptions for 'progress' and ruefully confessed their domestic retardation. Here again the early twentieth century was a renovative moment. For suddenly the vanguard voices of Europe, attuned to earlier prophetic cries of the Baudelaires and Nietzsches, were raised in cacophonous condemnation or even condemnatory exaltation of the rationalist, scientistic and menacingly dehumanizing premises of the Western enterprise.

One might call modernism a cognitive assault on the contradictions of modernity. In its golden age —30 modernism, particularly from its Parisian arena, finally made its impact on Latin America, but not in a merely tutorial role. For Europe now experienced the crisis of nerve associated with technification, commodification, alienation and rampant violence as these found expression in Marxian contradictions, Spenglerian decadence, Freudian invasions of the subconscious, and of course, industrialism and the First World War.

This seeming collapse of evolutionary assumptions gave Latin Americans leverage for dismissing presumed determinisms of their past and for inventing a new 'reality' and a new future. Europe now offered pathologies and not simply models. Disenchantment at the centre gave grounds for rehabilitation at the rim. Latin America had to produce its own Rousseaus and Herders at the same time that it was keeping up with the Picassos and Joyces.

Over the years many have claimed that Latin American high culture was derivative from metropolitan sources in the nineteenth century and suddenly responsive to indigenous or indigenista leads after Almost the reverse is true.

What made the Latin American prise de conscience of the s possible was not the artists' and intellectuals' stubborn appropriation of 'native' subject matter but their bold acrobatics to retain intellectual footing amid the disintegration of Western rationales and received understandings. With the centre now unstrung, views from the periphery earned respect.

Alejo Carpentier was to discover the world as polycentric and Jorge Luis Borges to find that it has no centre at all. As the Mexican novelist Carlos Fuentes puts it, 'the Western writer can be central only in recognizing that today he is ex-centric, and the Latin American writer only in recognizing that his eccentricity is today centered in a world without cultural axes. Carlos Fuentes, La nueva novela hiipanoamericana, 6th ed. Mexico, D. Jose Carlos Mariategui, 'jExiste un pensamiento hispano-americano?

Lima, , pp. Here he found Marxist analysis of social and economic domination an eye-opener and learned to admire how modernism, especially surrealism, could shatter the solid bourgeois world into absurd fragments.

It was to a degree the modernist impulse that led him to extract Marxism itself from positivist armature giving its scientific message mythic force, translating its categories into praxis and relativizing its pretension to universal evolutionism. In Mariategui sensed that his query about Hispanic American thought was germinating in the 'nerve centers of the continent', although he felt that the true question was whether there existed a characteristically Hispanic American thought.

He chided the Argentine socialist Alfredo Palacios, who had proclaimed the hour at hand for 'radical emancipation' from European culture. Europe had been the lodestar, wrote Palacios, but the Great War showed its culture to contain the seeds of its own decay. Palacios, Mariategui felt, had led youthful tropical temperaments to exaggerate the prospects for Latin American thought.

It was a tonic, he said, to call 'our America' the future cradle of civilization or to proclaim, as Jose Vasconcelos had in his motto for the National University of Mexico, that: 'Through my race the spirit will speak. The West was in crisis but far from collapse; Europe was not, 'as is absurdly said, exhausted and paralytic'.

Capitalist civilization was dying, not Europe. Greco-Roman civilization had long since perished, but Europe went on. Who could deny, Mariategui asked, that the society of the future was being shaped in Europe or that the finest artists and thinkers of the age were European? He therefore acknowledged a French or German thought but not yet a Hispanic American one, which instead was a 'rhapsody' of European motifs.

One might in the countries of the Rio de la Plata speak of a spirit of 'Latinity', but it awoke no recognition from autocthonous peoples of the continent. The purpose of this chapter is not to provide an inventory of trends and genres but to review and selectively illustrate various tactics, whether deliberate or unwitting, for establishing recognition of shared identity.

Cultural history in an academic vein would assign Latin American modernism to the s, the identity essay to the s and s, and history of ideas to the s and s. Such pigeon-holing, however, omits the tangled antecedents, both New World and European, of these expressive forms and forecloses appreciation of their persistence after the assigned decades.

In the twentieth century, cultural expression in Latin America has acquired a heavier retrospective concern, and the logic of exposition requires overrunning the designated decades. The chronological ladders of literary history matter less than the cumulative impact of self-recognition. First, then, we sketch the career of modernism in three locations during the s and s.

The first two of these locales are not countries - the usual reference point for literary histories — but cities.

Unlike, say, romanticism or realism, which managed a broad geographic palette, modernism required the arena where mind and sensibility awoke to specifically modern features of the Western world view: velocity, simultaneity, collage, inversion, free association, catachresis, the cult of machines and rationality — but not to the exclusion of 'primitive' evocations.

The two cities chosen are Sao Paulo, the burgeoning financial and industrial capital of South America, and Buenos Aires, its earlier commercial and cultural capital. It was assigned an act of cognition. Martin S. Abellan, La idea de Amirica, origen y evolution Madrid, A note of decadence, of ominous warning was sounding in both high and popular culture.

So accepted was the cosmopolitan ethos that commonplaces of domestic history and culture assumed a mythic cast, as in the nostalgic Argentine gauchismo.

Brazilians might exalt their bandeirantes, or colonial path-finders, as did modernist poet Cassiano Ricardo in a dithyrambic account of their exploits or modernist sculptor Victor Brecheret in a monumental public statue; yet the bandeirante, historically quite as venerable as the gaucho, had not faded into a mythic past but was exemplary for pioneers of a dynamic future.

He was a flesh-and-blood hero, unlike Ricardo Giiiraldes's oneiric, 'shadowy' gaucho in Don Segundo Sombra , who concludes the most renowned work of Argentine fiction of the s by fading from sight as a man, leaving the observer's meditation cut off from its source, his lifeblood flowing away.

Here inquiry probes beyond 'reality' to a domain of enigma or paradox. The challenge is not cognition but decipherment.

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If the Brazilian 'anti-hero' of Mario de Andrade's Macunaima finally goes off to muse alone as a star in the vast firmament, it is not because the old life has evanesced but precisely because it is all too tenacious, too real, in a land 'sem saude e com muita sauva' — with no health and lots of ants. Although in retrospect the Mexican Revolution seems not to have been a full-dress socio-political renversement, it did at least convert Mexico City into a radiant, innovative centre by what was then interpreted as a collective act of vision and volition.

The revolution itself became a 'modernist' event by working lightning reversals and expansions of sense and sensibility. Under its inspiration the painterly imagination fused Aztec deities, the latemedieval danse macabre rediscovered by Jose Guadalupe Posada , German expressionism, and Montparnasse cubism, not to mention Renaissance muralism and Spanish ecclesial baroque.

The revolution, Octavio Paz has said, had no programme. It was a gigantic subterranean revolt, a revelation that restored our eyes to see Mexico. Thus Mexicans in the modernist age such as Paz's representative list of painters and writers Rivera, Orozco, Lopez Velarde, Azuela, Guzman and Vasconcelos were less concerned with inversion, collage, or geometric reduction than with retrieval.

Goodland New York, Orozco and Siqueiros developed a home-grown expressionism, in Siqueiros's case with ideological baggage similar to Rivera's, in Orozco's with moral and personal accents. In Mexico, the modernist agenda was not the cognition of Sao Paulo or the decipherment of Buenos Aires but a task of propaganda in the original sense of a duty to spread the 'good tidings'.

However, the interpretation of their early messages Oswald de Andrade or the cumulative influence of their unfolding work Borges took time, even decades. Only the quasi-modernist Mexican muralists won instant fame.

Years later, in , Mario de Andrade, playfully known as the pope of Brazilian modernism, poignantly recounted the fate of avant-gardism. More was needed than to break windows, joggle the eternal verities, or quench cultural curiosity: not mere political activism, not explosive manifestoes, but greater anxiety about the epoch, fiercer revolt against life as it is. This statement, while highly personal, betokens a general Latin American transition. For reasons related to the collapse of the international economy, to authoritarian threats at home and abroad, to ominous murmurs of the dispossessed, and to ennui with hermetic or meretricious features of vanguardism, the modernist flame was wavering, to reassert its inspiration only a generation or more later.

Mario de Andrade, 'O movimento modernista', in Aspectos da literatura brasiteira, 4th ed. Sao Paulo, , pp. The former, however, moved beyond Zolaesque canons and even, paradoxically, anticipated the 'marvellous realism' of the s while the latter laid partial claim to empirical science, but a science leavened by post-positivist philosophy and modernist wit. The late s and s created fresh context for intellectual endeavour, now conducted with an eye to such external circumstances as the aftermath of the Spanish Civil War, the Second World War, and the incipient Cold War and to such domestic trends as the advent of populist politics and the developmentalist alliance between the state and new industrial groups.

The mid-i94os saw the appearance of reformist, constitutional regimes, while rapid urbanization, the growth of middle sectors with a supposed stake in a stable order, and the by now canonical imperative of development 'from within' seemed to brighten possibilities for revolutionary change.

Modernist extravagance seemed whimsical and dated save for monumental products like Mexican murals or Brazilian architecture, absorbable to the purposes of mushrooming bureaucracies. Imaginative writers tended private gardens unless they found occasions for political statement Pablo Neruda, Miguel Angel Asturias or enticed the growing audience for 'best sellers' Manuel Galvez, Erico Verfssimo, Jorge Amado or consolidated their careers around research and institutional service Jorge Basadre, Sergio Buarque de Holanda.

Various circumstances contributed to endow the identity question with a less nationalistic, more speculative dimension: the effect of the Spanish Civil War in incorporating the Hispanic world to global politics; the modernization of Spanish academe and the transatlantic migration of many of its finest scholars; the effect of the Second World War in assimilating Latin American countries to a purported democratic partnership and in subsequently prescribing their global economic role.

Just as modernism had played its part in shaping sensibilities in the s, so in the late s and s philosophy, and particularly the schools of phenomenology and existentialism, played a part — inconspicuously for a general public — in rehabilitating the intellectual image of the American continents.

What is more, the Germanic style that caught on gave cachet to Latin American philosophizing while slighting the Anglo American analytic vein in favour of a holism more consonant with Iberian precedents. The next three sections of this chapter, then, examine modernism, the novel and essay, and philosophy as moments of a. These three moments are not strictly consecutive nor confined to specific decades, nor are they the sole intellectual beacons of their periods, nor are they walled off like 'disciplines' some writers are identified with more than one of them: Vasconcelos, Mariategui, Martinez Estrada, Mario de Andrade.

The point is that activity in these areas made distinctive contributions to the identity quest broadly defined. Moreover, they have heuristic uses, for if we liken them to Whitehead's three stages of mental growth they suggest ways of understanding how minds, from many angles and suppositions, may reach tacit recognition of shared experience.

Knowledge is ad hoc and piecemeal. Emotion flares up in the transition from bare facts to awareness of unexplored relationships. The stage of 'precision' - here the novelists and essayists — subordinates breadth of relationship to exactness of formulation. It provides grammars of language and science along with a mode of analysis that digests facts as they accumulate. Finally comes the stage of generalization - analogous to the philosophic contribution - which resites romanticism but now with benefit of orderly ideas and apposite technique.

Whitehead's stages are familiar in common experience where, however, they forever spin in cycles and nested minicycles. For present purposes the three stages are applied not as a grand evolutionary scheme but to treat cultural history on the 'periphery' less as an importation of models than as domestic gestation.

In what follows certain outcomes of our three 'stages' will be traced up to the s, and the envoi will briefly consider two notable developments from the late s to the s, namely, the invasion of academic social science and the literary 'boom'. The simultaneity of these occurrences rescues us from what might have seemed an evolutionary process. More 'radical' exponents preached a doctrine of revolutionary voluntarism to upset the logic of economic domination they had so persuasively set forth.

The literary imagination, on the other hand, was not so much appalled by forces of domination as it was captivated by the resistance of local societies to the dictates of'development', whether of foreign or domestic origin.

Hence its fascination with the colonial or aboriginal past, with mythic recurrence or 'eternal return', and with an ethos of'marvellous realism'. What Antonio Gramsci was for the sociologist, Mircea Eliade represented for the novelist. The social science and literary 'booms' formed a new generational prise. But while the scientists distantly echoed nineteenth-century positivism though with a self-conscious modernization of language , artists and writers were captivated by tensions and contradictions of a new baroque age, often mediated by modernist mentors who were now accorded belated or posthumous acknowledgement.

Without Borges, Fuentes claims, 'there simply would have been no modern Hispanic American novel' 2 ' — and indeed Borges himself both inspired and helped to shepherd the whole transition from the s to the s. This dichotomy arose clearly in the s, when social scientists, whatever the provisos and shadings of their analyses, rationally perceived Latin America as 'inserted into' schemes of metropolitan domination, manipulation and desacralization.

The writers for their part, however 'leftist' their political sympathies might in some cases be, instinctively 'marvelled at' the intransigence of their societies to the invasion of Western rationalism, capitalism, and political mandates.

How do we bridge these divergent visions? One might suppose the possibility, the multiple possibilities, for dialectical engagement if not, in any facile sense, for 'synthesis'. Jack E.

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Modern Art Week was celebrated by young writers and artists in the Parisian-style municipal theatre as if mocking the stale Europhilism for which it stood. The event — eight days of public exhibits and three days of 'festivals' lectures, readings, concerts — was calculated to scandalize the public, and in this it fully succeeded.

Although the participants included a few from Rio de Janeiro — such as Ronald de Carvalho, Manuel Bandeira, and the elder statesman Graga Aranha, author of Canad — most were Paulistas including, to cite names that have lasted, the sculptor Brecheret, painters Anita Malfatti and Di Cavalcanti, writers Guilherme de Almeida and Menotti del Picchia, and the two stars to be discussed shortly, Oswald de Andrade and Mario de Andrade.

Because Modern Art Week was taunting, carnivalesque and outrageously vanguard, the sessions provoked catcalls, even fistfights. Years later Mario de Andrade wrote of this moment that: 'Given its character as a risky game, its extreme spirit of adventure, its modernist internationalism, its raging nationalism, its gratuitous antipopulism, its overbearing dogmatism — it revealed an aristocracy of the spirit.

In other words, Paulista modernism did not capitulate in mimetic fashion to Parisian dada, cubism and the like. Marinetti's futurism, originating in industrial, 'unpoetic' Milan, did have a vogue on the eve of Modern Art Week, perhaps because its gospel of automation and sheer movement was congenial to Sao Paulo. But Paulista cognoscenti were sceptical, and Marinetti, whom Mario de Andrade disliked, alienated Brazilians on a later visit, not the least for his fascist sympathies.

Modern Art Week, then, was not an eye-opener for initiates and in this differed from the New York Armory Show of Although two-thirds of the latter was given to pioneering American trends, the Europeans received the acclaim, especially cubists and fauvists, who caused shock, 25 Mario de Andrade, 'O movimento modernista', p.

Sao Paulo's modernists were concerned less with stylistic novelty than with mastery of the artistic media. The Brazilian musicians, Guiomar Novais and Villa-Lobos, may have performed European composers, but the music of Villa-Lobos himself swept all before it. As Mario de Andrade later wrote, beneath the blague and raillery lay three central objectives: permanent freedom for esthetic research, renovation of the Brazilian artistic intelligence and stabilization of a national creative consciousness on a collective rather than individualist base.

One may ask why upstart industrial Sao Paulo hatched this sophisticated movement rather than Rio, Brazil's cultural and publishing headquarters. Mario's answer was that while Rio, as seaport and political capital, had an inborn vocation for internationalism, coffee and industry had given Sao Paulo a more modern spirit and more vibrant foreign connection. Rio retained a dose of folkloric 'exoticism' with an interfusion of urban and rural cultures. Sao Paulo was a burgeoning metropolis perched on its plateau with a large hinterland that was more caipira bumpkin than exotic.

Rio, successively the seat of a viceroyalty, an empire and a republic, immured by fanciful mountains that left it facing toward Europe, was an imperial city. Sao Paulo had from the start turned its back on the sea and followed an inland vocation, first bandeirismo, then the westward march of coffee, and finally industry in quest of markets. Sao Paulo is an imperialist city.

Its very modernity betokened a certain innocence. In 'malicious' Rio, wrote Mario de Andrade, an exhibit like Anita Malfatti's 'might have caused a public stir but no one would have been carried away. In ingenuous Sao Paulo it created a religion. Modern Art Week was one of four events in , centennial year of Brazilian independence, that denounced the status quo from quite different angles.

The other three, all based in Rio, were: the Copacabana revolt of the tenentes, young officers claiming national renovation and social 26 27 See Milton W. Brown, The Story of the Armory Show, 2 n d e d.

Mario d e Andrade, ' O m o v i m e n t o modernista', p. Modernism, particularly in its iconoclastic, heroic years of —30, seems removed from the social and political engagement of these initiatives unless we abandon the narrowly avant-gardist meaning of Brazilian modernism, as Lafeta does, and prolong the movement to the early s.

These projects are not mutually exclusive. Single writers might pursue both in shifting combinations; or single works might bridge the two. As collective expressions, however, the aesthetic project was foremost at the outset, began yielding to the ideological in the late s, and lost primacy in the s.

The early phase, with a cast of Paulistas and Cariocas including Antonio de Alcantara Machado, Sergio Milliet, Sergio Buarque de Holanda and Di Cavalcanti, was marked by Mario de Andrade's esthetic orientations, the irreverence and audacity of the review Klaxon , and a pilgrimage to Minas Gerais as a preamble to a collective discovery of Brazil. Soon Oswald de Andrade showed his genius for composing verbal ajfiches with the Brazilwood Manifesto of , a charge that Europe had profited long enough from Brazilian exports of sugar, coffee and rubber and that now Brazilian poetry must go on the list.


His Anthropophagic Manifesto of along with an anthropophagic review co-edited with Alcantara Machado and Raul Bopp radicalized and primitivized the Brazil-wood thesis. To be sure, Oswald took cues from fauvism, futurism, and above all dadaism. But Oswald's Anthropophagy was far from imitative. For Brazilians cannibals were a historical reality, not a divertissement. That is, once one accepts the Tupi as the original Brazilian, his cannibalism is no longer savage, exotic, or an anthropological curiosity.

It now becomes the Indian ritual ingesting of the strength and power of enemies and eventually of European invaders. The modernists needed precisely this lesson to handle the cultural relation between Brazil and Europe hence Oswald's bon mot, 'Tupi or not Tupi'. Cannibalism recognized both the nutritive property of European culture and a transformative process of appropriation. Brazilians might chuckle at the boutades of French modernism; but for guidance on 'primitivism', language, and culture they turned to sixteenth-century mentors such as Montaigne, Rabelais and the Pleiad poets, who had been at a point to forge French culture rather than cleverly embellish it.

Brazil-wood and anthropophagy show points of mutual reinforcement between the esthetic and ideological projects. If Oswald moved toward 'ideological' issues in the late s, Mario de Andrade remained true to his linguistic-literary priority, for he was obsessed by the search for a 'degeographized' Brazilian language i.

Although closely attentive to politics, Mario was not an activist, because he accepted as the precondition for action not a grand design but new grammar and lexicon. The success of modernism in stripping discourse to its elements therefore made the arts a testing-ground for reinventing politics. The early benchmarks for Lafeta's 'ideological' project were almost coincident with those of Oswald's manifestoes. The two movements that passed, in Antonio Candido's terms, from 'aesthetic to political nationalism' were Verdeamarelismo or Green-and-yellowism the national colours in and Anta, named for the Brazilian tapir, in Salgado joined the modernists from the start bringing with him an addiction to nationalism and a conservative familial Catholicism refreshed by the Catholic revival in Rio.

He wrote two creditable political novels 0 estrangeiro, , and 0 esperado, , but the quality of his literary efforts declined as his political interests took focus. In places the Paulistas' example was overshadowed, as in Recife where Joaquim Inojosa shepherded a nascent modernist movement that soon yielded to a northeast school of regionalism inaugurated by a manifesto in Its members found a sociological expositor in Gilberto Freyre see below and produced a crop of novelists in the s who won renown immediately in Brazil and more gradually overseas.

In later years, specifically in Regiao e tradiqao , Freyre perhaps magnified the significance of regionalism just as in the early years he had been dismissive of Paulista modernism. In any case the northeast novelists, discussed in the next section, richly exemplify the 'ideological' option of the period, with one of them, Graciliano Ramos, mastering the 'rare equilibrium' needed to imbue familiar schemes for representing reality with the conquests of the avant-garde. Unrelated by family, they were comrades in the heroic years of modernism, then drew apart but continued respecting and finding sustenance in each other's example.

Oswald's public self was iconoclastic and Rabelaisian. He was the dandy, the enfant terrible, the self-styled 'clown of the bourgeoisie'.

He was impatient with Mario's professorial inclinations and his devotion to cultural intricacies. Oswald rendered his poems and narratives, his perceptions and prescriptions, in a telegraphic style of explosive vignettes. His life and works, Antonio Candido observes, betoken an eternal voyager, 'the transitive esthetic of the traveller' who composed a divinatory vision from swiftly seized fragments.

His conformist bourgeois casing is stripped off by the search for plenitude through a ceaseless redemptive journey. Oswald's Pau-Brasil poems of open with a series of poetic 31 32 33 H e l g i o T r i n d a d e treats Salgado's career from m o d e r n i s m t o politics in Integralismo o fascism brasileiro na dicada de 3 0 Sao Paulo, 1 9 7 4 , parts 1 , 2.

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Lafeta, , p. In one of his telescoped poems, 'Mistake of the Portuguese', Oswald echoes Montaigne to show the arbitrariness of opposing roles: A pity it was raining when the Portuguese arrived, making him clothe the Indian! Other poems were quite as synoptic. The recruit who swore to his sweetheart that even if he died he would return to hear her play the piano, but he stayed in Paraguay forever.Mario dedicates the book to his 'beloved master', Mario de Andrade, and his 'Most Interesting Preface' insists that he sings in his own way.

Even with its physical identity effaced by business and industry, Sao Paulo sweeps the observer into an age-old carnivalesque setting of grey and gold, ashes and money, repentance and greed. It is also hoped that the History will contribute more generally to a deeper understanding of Latin America through its history in the United States, Europe and elsewhere and, not least, to a greater awareness of its own history in Latin America.

The first two of these locales are not countries - the usual reference point for literary histories — but cities. The lessons that the German analogy holds for Latin America and, more concretely, the ultimate influences of German ideas upon the region are examined later in the chapter.

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